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Ensi vuonna jokin toinen tuomari tekee jotakin , mikä ei miellytä parlamenttia ja sitten päätämme jälleen äänten enemmistöllä , että sen toisen tuomarin on erottava.

Die Richter in Luxemburg sind es , die entscheiden werden , was beschlossen wurde. Luxemburgissa työskentelevät tuomarit ratkaisevat , mitä on päätetty.

Wir haben den Unterschied zwischen der Inkompetenz der Regierungsvertreter , Richter , Staatsanwaltschaft , Polizisten usw.

Olemme kiinnittäneet huomiota diktatuurin tekijöiden , tuomareiden , yleisen syyttäjän , poliisin jne. On siis olemassa selvä aikomus valita tuomareita , jotka eivät ole kovin puolueettomia ja jotka , tietysti , saavat oikeudenmukaisuudesta aivan väärän käsityksen.

Wenn eine Partei glaubt , dass ihre gewerblichen Schutzrechte verletzt wurden und vor einem nationalen Gericht Klage erhebt , dann muss ein nationaler Richter feststellen , ob es sich um eine solche Verletzung handelt.

Mikäli toinen osapuolista katsoo , että sen teollisoikeuksia on loukattu , ja vie asian kansalliseen tuomioistuimeen , on kansallisen tuomarin tehtävä määrittää , onko oikeuksia loukattu vai ei.

Für das Plenum sollen die Zahl der Richter von 15 auf 25 und das Quorum von 11 auf 15 Richter erhöht werden. Tuomioistuin ehdottaa , että tuomioistuimen täysistunnon tuomarien lukumäärän noustessa 15 : stä 25 : een päätösvaltaisuuden edellytyksenä oleva tuomareiden lukumäärä nostettaisiin 11 : stä 15 : een.

On hyvin selvää , että Euroopan parlamentilla ei ole oikeutta erottaa tuomioistuimen tuomaria. Eräs irlantilainen tuomari kertoi. Wir sind zutiefst beunruhigt über die Verschlechterung seines Gesundheitszustands und auch zutiefst besorgt darüber , dass über seine Berufungsklage von einem Richter entschieden wird , der sich möglicherweise in einem erheblichen Interessenkonflikt befindet , und wir möchten die ägyptische Regierung und die ägyptischen Gerichte daran erinnern , dass Menschenrechte die Grundlage des von uns so hoch geschätzten Partnerschafts - und Assoziierungsabkommens zwischen der Europäischen Union und Ägypten bilden.

Les juges. Was das Parlament heute billigt , ist eine Richtlinie für Anwälte und Richter. Daher ist es erforderlich , die Bemühungen der EU zur Verbesserung und Koordinierung der juristischen Ausbildung für die nationalen Richter und Juristen allgemein zu unterstützen.

FR Herr Präsident! Doch allzu oft gelangen diese Fälle vor Richter , die entweder ignorant oder schlecht über das Gesetz über Kindesentführung informiert sind.

Wenn es diesem Parlament ernst gemeint ist , dann sollte zumindest die Entlassung von Melchior Wathelet , Richter beim Europäischen Gerichtshof , gefordert werden , der politisch für das schreckliche Los verantwortlich ist , das unschuldigen Kindern angetan wurde.

Im Gefolge der furchtbaren Ereignisse vom Un giudice. Richter wie Estoup in Versailles , Schir in Lyon , Cotte in Paris wetteifern miteinander , um diese willkürlichen Gesetze extensiv entgegen allen Grundsätzen des Schutzes der Freiheiten anzuwenden.

Das bedeutet , dass die Parlamentarische Versammlung des Europarats einen Richter aus einem Vorschlag für drei Kandidaten wählen wird , die von der Europäischen Union präsentiert werden , und ich stimme dem Berichtentwurf zu , dass es einer angemessenen Anzahl von Parlamentsabgeordneten gestattet sein soll , an den Sitzungen der Versammlung teilzunehmen , wenn sie die Richter des Europäischen Gerichtshofs wählt.

Gewalt durch religiöse Rituale muss streng bestraft werden. Ich bedauere , dass die Mehrheit der Richter nicht in der Lage war , genügend Mut aufzubringen , um den Vorrang des Schutzes menschlichen Lebens zu bestätigen.

Ich gehörte zu denen , die die Kommission dafür kritisiert haben , dass sie den Gerichtshof angerufen hat , denn der Stabilitätspakt fällt in den Bereich der Politik und nicht in die Zuständigkeit der Richter.

Ik was een van degenen die kritiek hadden op het feit dat de Commissie het Hof heeft ingeschakeld , omdat het Stabiliteitspact een politieke zaak is en dus niet onder het gezag van de rechters valt.

Es wäre eine Katastrophe und ein Unheil , wenn ein Dienst habender Richter den politischen Impulsen der Ideale der jeweiligen Regierung gehorchen würde.

Het zou catastrofaal en desastreus zijn als de dienstdoende rechter zou reageren op de politieke impulsen van de regering die aan de macht is. De rechter.

Als ich dem Justizausschuss des Senats vorstand , der für die Bestätigung der vom Präsidenten Nominierten zuständig ist , war ich als einer der glühendsten Verfechter der Bürgerrechte bekannt.

Für mich war es vorrangig , die Ansichten der künftigen Richter in Bezug auf die Privatsphäre zu erfahren , bevor die Entscheidung fiel , ob sie als Richter bestätigt werden sollten oder nicht.

Nehmen Sie viertens den richterlichen Aktivismus , die Art und Weise , wie unsere Richter das Gesetz missachtet haben zugunsten dessen , was ihrer Meinung nach Gesetz sein sollte.

Jetzt ist es für uns als Politiker an der Zeit , uns unserer Verantwortung bewusst zu sein , und Erfordernisse für die Richter , die vorangeschritten waren , dadurch zu ersetzen , dass wir selbst Rechtssicherheit schaffen.

Wie Frau Ministerin Ask gerade eben sehr treffend dargelegt hat , müssen wir dafür sorgen , dass die Richter in unseren Mitgliedstaaten eine gemeinsame europäische Rechtskultur teilen.

Nationale Gerichte spielen eine wesentliche Rolle bei der Anwendung des Gemeinschaftsrechts und deswegen unterstütze ich voll und ganz die Kommission in ihren Bemühungen , eine zusätzliche Ausbildung für Richter , für weitere Personen in Rechtsberufen und für Beamte in den Mitgliedstaaten festzulegen.

Der heute ausgeübte Druck , um diesen Bericht zu Fall zu bringen und die Diskreditierung von Richter Goldstone sind unglaublich.

Die Vorstellung , dass die meisten Menschen Richter , gut gekleidete Anwälte und gepflegte Gerichtsräume als Schauplatz zur Beilegung ihrer Streitigkeiten haben möchten , ist nicht mehr zutreffend.

Aber das System wird behindert , wenn sich die Richter - manchmal zu Recht - weigern , beschuldigte Personen auszuliefern , weil die Haftbedingungen im antragstellenden Land schlecht sind.

Ich war früher Richter , und ich kann Ihnen sagen , dass Kreuzverhöre der Streitparteien als ein notwendiges Mittel angesehen wird , um die Wahrheit aufzudecken und Gerechtigkeit walten zu lassen.

Und die betreffenden Richter sind daraufhin befördert worden. Ich würde sagen , dass wir Ihnen , Herr Medina Ortega , in einem wichtigen Punkt zustimmen , der meiner Auffassung nach eine Priorität für Stockholm sein sollte.

Ich meine die Schulung für Richter. Auch respektiert er die Entscheidungen des Obersten Verwaltungsgerichts nicht. Their name for Antichrist is Dajjal, and they have a tradition that Jesus will slay Antichrist by the gate of Lydda.

The notion sprang from an ancient bas-relief of George and the Dragon on the Lydda church. But Dajjal may be derived, by a very common confusion between n and l , from Dagon, whose name two neighbouring villages bear to this day, while one of the gates of Lydda used to be called the Gate of Dagon.

The marriage was not a happy one. The morals of German courts in the end of the 17th century took their tone from the splendid profligacy of Versailles.

It became the fashion for a prince to amuse himself with a mistress or more frequently with many mistresses simultaneously, and he was often content that the mistresses whom he favoured should be neither beautiful nor witty.

George Louis followed the usual course. Count Königsmark—a handsome adventurer—seized the opportunity of paying court to the deserted wife.

Conjugal infidelity was held at Hanover to be a privilege of the male sex. Count Königsmark was assassinated. Sophia Dorothea was divorced in , and remained in seclusion till her death in When George IV.

By sending help to the emperor when he was struggling against the French and the Turks, he obtained the grant of a ninth electorate in His marriage with Sophia, the youngest daughter of Elizabeth the daughter of James I.

But though there were many persons whose birth gave them better claims than she had to the English crown, she found herself, upon the death of the duke of Gloucester, the next Protestant heir after Anne.

The Act of Settlement in secured the inheritance to herself and her descendants. Being old and unambitious she rather permitted herself to be burthened with the honour than thrust herself forward to meet it.

Her son George took a deeper interest in the matter. In his youth he had fought with determined courage in the wars of William III.

With prudent persistence he attached himself closely to the Whigs and to Marlborough, refusing Tory offers of an independent command, and receiving in return for his fidelity a guarantee by the Dutch of his succession to England in the Barrier treaty of In when Anne was growing old, and Bolingbroke and the more reckless Tories were coquetting with the son of James II.

Neither the elector nor his mother approved of a step which was likely to alienate the queen, and which was specially distasteful to himself, as he was on very bad terms with his son.

In some respects the position of the new king was not unlike that of William III. Both sovereigns were foreigners, with little knowledge of English politics and little interest in English legislation.

Both sovereigns arrived at a time when party spirit had been running high, and when the task before the ruler was to still the waves of contention.

In spite of the difference between an intellectually great man and an intellectually small one, in spite too of the difference between the king who began by choosing his ministers from both parties and the king who persisted in choosing his ministers from only one, the work of pacification was accomplished by George even more thoroughly than by William.

George I. He had therefore no reason to call upon the nation to make great sacrifices. All that he wanted was to secure for himself and his family a high position which he hardly knew how to occupy, to fill the pockets of his German attendants and his German mistresses, to get away as often as possible from the uncongenial islanders whose language he was unable to speak, and to use the strength of England to obtain petty advantages for his German principality.

In order to do this he attached himself entirely to the Whig party, though he refused to place himself at the disposal of its leaders. He gave his confidence, not to Somers and Wharton and Marlborough, but to Stanhope and Townshend, the statesmen of the second rank.

At first he seemed to be playing a dangerous game. The Tories, whom he rejected, were numerically superior to their adversaries, and were strong in the support of the country gentlemen and the country clergy.

The strength of the Whigs lay in the towns and in the higher aristocracy. Below both parties lay the mass of the nation, which cared nothing for politics except in special seasons of excitement, and which asked only to be let alone.

In a Jacobite insurrection in the north, supported by the appearance of the Pretender, the son of James II. Even this advantage, however, would have been thrown away if the Whigs in power had continued to be animated by violent party spirit.

What really happened was that the Tory leaders were excluded from office, but that the principles and prejudices of the Tories were admitted to their full weight in the policy of the government.

The natural result followed. The leaders to whom no regard was paid continued in opposition. The rank and file, who would personally have gained nothing by a party victory, were conciliated into quiescence.

This mingling of two policies was conspicuous both in the foreign and the domestic actions of the reign. In the days of Queen Anne the Whig party had advocated the continuance of war with a view to the complete humiliation of the king of France, whom they feared as the protector of the Pretender, and in whose family connexion with the king of Spain they saw a danger for England.

The Tory party, on the other hand, had been the authors of the peace of Utrecht, and held that France was sufficiently depressed.

The same eclecticism was discernible in the proceedings of the home government. The Whigs were conciliated by the repeal of the Schism Act and the Occasional Conformity Act, whilst the Tories were conciliated by the maintenance of the Test Act in all its vigour.

The satisfaction of the masses was increased by the general well-being of the nation. Very little of all that was thus accomplished was directly owing to George I.

The policy of the reign is the policy of his ministers. Stanhope and Townshend from to were mainly occupied with the defence of the Hanoverian settlement.

After the dismissal of the latter in , Stanhope in conjunction with Sunderland took up a more decided Whig policy.

But the wish of the liberal Whigs to modify if not to repeal the Test Act remained unsatisfied. In the following year the bursting of the South Sea bubble, and the subsequent deaths of Stanhope in and of Sunderland in , cleared the way for the accession to power of Sir Robert Walpole, to whom and not to the king was due the conciliatory policy which quieted Tory opposition by abstaining from pushing Whig principles to their legitimate consequences.

It is evident that at his accession his decisions were by no means unimportant. The royal authority was still able within certain limits to make its own terms.

This support was so necessary to the Whigs that they made no resistance when he threw aside their leaders on his arrival in England. When by his personal intervention he dismissed Townshend and appointed Sunderland, he had no such social and parliamentary combination to fear as that which almost mastered his great-grandson in his struggle for power.

If such a combination arose before the end of his reign it was owing more to his omitting to fulfil the duties of his station than from the necessity of the case.

As he could talk no English, and his ministers could talk no German, he absented himself from the meetings of the cabinet, and his frequent absences from England and his want of interest in English politics strengthened the cabinet in its tendency to assert an independent position.

Walpole at last by his skill in the management of parliament rose as a subject into the almost royal position denoted by the name of prime minister.

In connexion with Walpole the force of wealth and station established the Whig aristocracy in a point of vantage from which it was afterwards difficult to dislodge them.

Yet, though George had allowed the power which had been exercised by William and Anne to slip through his hands, it was understood to the last that if he chose to exert himself he might cease to be a mere cipher in the conduct of affairs.

His only children were his successor George II. She was the mother of Frederick the Great. See the standard English histories.

A recent popular work is L. In he married Wilhelmina Caroline of Anspach. In he was created earl of Cambridge. In he fought bravely at Oudenarde.

He was already on bad terms with his father. It was most unwillingly that, on his first journey to Hanover in , George I.

In the existing ill-feeling ripened into an open breach. At the baptism of one of his children, the prince selected one godfather whilst the king persisted in selecting another.

When therefore George I. The first direction of the new king was that Sir Spencer Compton would draw up the speech in which he was to announce to the privy council his accession.

Compton, not knowing how to set about his task, applied to Walpole for aid. This curious scene was indicative of the course likely to be taken by the new sovereign.

His own mind was incapable of rising above the merest details of business. He made war in the spirit of a drill-sergeant, and he economized his income with the minute regularity of a clerk.

A blunder of a master of the ceremonies in marshalling the attendants on a levee put him out of temper. He took the greatest pleasure in counting his money piece by piece, and he never forgot a date.

He was above all things methodical and regular. Most men so utterly immersed in details would be very impracticable to deal with. They would obstinately refuse to listen to a wisdom and prudence which meant nothing in their ears, and which brought home to them a sense of their own inferiority.

It was the happy peculiarity of George II. He seemed to have an instinctive understanding that such and such persons were either wiser or even stronger than himself, and when he had once discovered that, he gave way with scarcely a struggle.

It is difficult to exaggerate the importance of such a temper upon the development of the constitution.

The apathy of the nation in all but the most exciting political questions, fostered by the calculated conservatism of Walpole, had thrown power into the hands of the great landowners.

They maintained their authority by supporting a minister who was ready to make use of corruption, wherever corruption was likely to be useful, and who could veil over the baseness of the means which he employed by his talents in debate and in finance.

To shake off a combination so strong would not have been easy. George II. So strong indeed had the Whig aristocracy grown that it began to lose its cohesion.

Walpole was determined to monopolize power, and he dismissed from office all who ventured to oppose him. An opposition formidable in talents was gradually formed.

In its composite ranks were to be found Tories and discontented Whigs, discarded official hacks who were hungry for the emoluments of office, and youthful purists who fancied that if Walpole were removed, bribes and pensions would cease to be attractive to a corrupt generation.

Behind them was Bolingbroke, excluded from parliament but suggesting every party move. In the opposition acquired the support of Frederick, prince of Wales.

The young man, weak and headstrong, rebelled against the strict discipline exacted by his father. His marriage in to Augusta of Saxony brought on an open quarrel.

Frederick in disgrace gave the support of his name, and he had nothing else to give, to the opposition. Later in the year , on the 20th of November, Queen Caroline died.

In Walpole, weighed down by the unpopularity both of his reluctance to engage in a war with Spain and of his supposed remissness in conducting the operations of that war, was driven from office.

The years which followed settled conclusively, at least for this reign, the constitutional question of the power of appointing ministers.

The war between Spain and England had broken out in In the death of the emperor Charles VI. The position of George II. The king himself went to Germany and attempted to carry on the war according to his own notions.

Those notions led him to regard the safety of Hanover as of far more importance than the wishes of England. Finding that a French army was about to march upon his German states, he concluded with France a treaty of neutrality for a year without consulting a single English minister.

In England the news was received with feelings of disgust. The expenditure of English money and troops was to be thrown uselessly away as soon as it appeared that Hanover was in the slightest danger.

In Walpole was no longer in office. Lord Wilmington, the nominal head of the ministry, was a mere cipher. The ablest and most energetic of his colleagues, Lord Carteret afterwards Granville , attached himself specially to the king, and sought to maintain himself in power by his special favour and by brilliant achievements in diplomacy.

Thus relieved on her northern frontier, she struck out vigorously towards the west. Bavaria was overrun by her troops.

In the beginning of one French army was driven across the Rhine. Victory brought elation to Maria Theresa. Her war of defence was turned into a war of vengeance.

Bavaria was to be annexed. The French frontier was to be driven back. Of the public opinion of the political classes in England they took no thought.

Hanoverian troops were indeed to be employed in the war, but they were to be taken into British pay. Collisions between British and Hanoverian officers were frequent.

A storm arose against the preference shown to Hanoverian interests. Henry Pelham, who had become prime minister in the preceding year, thus saw himself established in power.

By the acceptance of this ministry, the king acknowledged that the function of choosing a ministry and directing a policy had passed from his hands.

In indeed he recalled Granville, but a few days were sufficient to convince him of the futility of his attempt, and the effort to exclude Pitt at a later time proved equally fruitless.

Important as were the events of the remainder of the reign, therefore, they can hardly be grouped round the name of George II. The resistance to the invasion of the Young Pretender in , the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in , the great war ministry of Pitt at the close of the reign, did not receive their impulse from him.

He had indeed done his best to exclude Pitt from office. He disliked him on account of his opposition in former years to the sacrifices demanded by the Hanoverian connexion.

When in Pitt became secretary of state in the Devonshire administration, the king bore the yoke with difficulty. In the true spirit of a martinet, he wished to see Admiral Byng executed.

Pitt urged the wish of the House of Commons to have him pardoned. To this end he had contributed much by his disregard of English opinion in ; but it may fairly be added that, but for his readiness to give way to irresistible adversaries, the struggle might have been far more bitter and severe than it was.

Of the connexion between Hanover and England in this reign two memorials remain more pleasant to contemplate than the records of parliamentary and ministerial intrigues.

With the support of George II. W, Croker 3 vols. That power had already been gravely shaken. The nation learned to applaud the great war minister who succeeded where others had failed, and whose immaculate purity put to shame the ruck of barterers of votes for places and pensions.

In some sort the work of the new king was the continuation of the work of Pitt. But his methods were very different. He did not appeal to any widely spread feeling or prejudice; nor did he disdain the use of the arts which had maintained his opponents in power.

The patronage of the crown was to be really as well as nominally his own; and he calculated, not without reason, that men would feel more flattered in accepting a place from a king than from a minister.

The new Toryism of which he was the founder was no recurrence to the Toryism of the days of Charles II. The question of the amount of toleration to be accorded to Dissenters had been entirely laid aside.

The point at issue was whether the crown should be replaced in the position which George I. For this struggle George III. With an inflexible tenacity of purpose, he was always ready to give way when resistance was really hopeless.

As the first English-born sovereign of his house, speaking from his birth the language of his subjects, he found a way to the hearts of many who never regarded his predecessors as other than foreign intruders.

The contrast, too, between the pure domestic life which he led with his wife Charlotte, whom he married in , and the habits of three generations of his house, told in his favour with the vast majority of his subjects.

Even his marriage had been a sacrifice to duty. Soon after his accession he had fallen in love with Lady Sarah Lennox, and had been observed to ride morning by morning along the Kensington Road, from which the object of his affections was to be seen from the lawn of Holland House making hay, or engaged in some other ostensible employment.

At first everything seemed easy to him. Pitt had come to be regarded by his own colleagues as a minister who would pursue war at any price, and in getting rid of Pitt in and in carrying on the negotiations which led to the peace of Paris in , the king was able to gather round him many persons who would not be willing to acquiesce in any permanent change in the system of government.

With the signature of the peace his real difficulties began. The Whig houses, indeed, were divided amongst themselves by personal rivalries. But they were none of them inclined to let power and the advantages of power slip from their hands without a struggle.

For some years a contest of influence was carried on without dignity and without any worthy aim. The king was not strong enough to impose upon parliament a ministry of his own choice.

Under these circumstances no ministry could possibly be stable; and yet every ministry was strong enough to impose some conditions on the king.

George Grenville was in office till ; the marquis of Rockingham till ; Pitt, becoming earl of Chatham, till illness compelled him to retire from the conduct of affairs in , when he was succeeded by the duke of Grafton.

But a struggle of interests could gain no real strength for any government, and the only chance the king had of effecting a permanent change in the balance of power lay in the possibility of his associating himself with some phase of strong national feeling, as Pitt had associated himself with the war feeling caused by the dissatisfaction spread by the weakness and ineptitude of his predecessors.

Such a chance was offered by the question of the right to tax America. The notion that England was justified in throwing on America part of the expenses caused in the late war was popular in the country, and no one adopted it more pertinaciously then George III.

At the bottom the position which he assumed was as contrary to the principles of parliamentary government as the encroachments of Charles I.

But it was veiled in the eyes of Englishmen by the prominence given to the power of the British parliament rather than to the power of the British king.

In fact the theory of parliamentary government, like most theories after their truth has long been universally acknowledged, had become a superstition.

Parliaments were held to be properly vested with authority, not because they adequately represented the national will, but simply because they were parliaments.

There were thousands of people in England to whom it never occurred that there was any good reason why a British parliament should be allowed to levy a duty on tea in the London docks and should not be allowed to levy a duty on tea at the wharves of Boston.

Undoubtedly George III. As long as the struggle with America was carried on with any hope of success they gained that kind of support which is always forthcoming to a government which shares in the errors and prejudices of its subjects.

The expulsion of Wilkes from the House of Commons in , and the refusal of the House to accept him as a member after his re-election, raised a grave constitutional question in which the king was wholly in the wrong; and Wilkes was popular in London and Middlesex.

But his case roused no national indignation, and when in those sharp measures were taken with Boston which led to the commencement of the American rebellion in , the opposition to the course taken by the king made little way either in parliament or in the country.

Burke might point out the folly and inexpedience of the proceedings of the government. Chatham might point out that the true spirit of English government was to be representative, and that that spirit was being violated at home and abroad.

George III. In March the French ambassador in London announced that a treaty of friendship and commerce had been concluded between France and the new United States of America.

Lord North was anxious to resign power into stronger hands, and begged the king to receive Chatham as his prime minister.

The king would not hear of it. Chatham naturally refused to do anything of the kind, and his death in the course of the year relieved the king of the danger of being again overruled by too overbearing a minister.

England was now at war with France, and in she was also at war with Spain. He could not control the course of events. His very ministers gave up the struggle as hopeless long before he would acknowledge the true state of the case.

Before the end of , two of the leading members of the cabinet, Lords Gower and Weymouth, resigned rather than bear the responsibility of so ruinous an enterprise as the attempt to overpower America and France together.

Lord North retained office, but he acknowledged to the king that his own opinion was precisely the same as that of his late colleagues. The year saw an agitation rising in the country for economical reform, an agitation very closely though indirectly connected with the war policy of the king.

The public meetings held in the country on this subject have no unimportant place in the development of the constitution. But these upheavings had all been so associated with ignorance and violence as to make it very difficult for men of sense to look with displeasure upon the existing emancipation of the House of Commons from popular control.

The Sacheverell riots, the violent attacks upon the Excise Bill, the no less violent advocacy of the Spanish War, the declamations of the supporters of Wilkes at a more recent time, and even in this very year the Gordon riots, were not likely to make thoughtful men anxious to place real power in the hands of the classes from whom such exhibitions of folly proceeded.

But the movement for economical reform was of a very different kind. It was carried on soberly in manner, and with a definite practical object.

It asked for no more than the king ought to have been willing to concede. It attacked useless expenditure upon sinecures and unnecessary offices in the household, the only use of which was to spread abroad corruption amongst the upper classes.

He held out for more than another year. The news of the capitulation of Yorktown reached London on the 25th of November On the 20th of March Lord North resigned.

He called the marquis of Rockingham to office at the head of a ministry composed of pure Whigs and of the disciples of the late earl of Chatham, and he authorized the new ministry to open negotiations for peace.

On the 3rd of September the definitive treaties with the three countries were simultaneously concluded. I will be very frank with you.

I was the last to consent to the separation: but the separation having been made and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States as an independent power.

Long before the signature of the treaties Rockingham died July 1, The king chose Lord Shelburne, the head of the Chatham section of the government, to be prime minister.

Fox and the followers of Rockingham refused to serve except under the duke of Portland, a minister of their own selection, and resigned office.

The old constitutional struggle of the reign was now to be fought out once more. Fox, too weak to obtain a majority alone, coalesced with Lord North, and defeated Shelburne in the House of Commons on the 27th of February On the 2nd of April the coalition took office, with Portland as nominal prime minister, and Fox and North the secretaries of state as its real heads.

This attempt to impose upon him a ministry which he disliked made the king very angry. But the new cabinet had a large majority in the House of Commons, and the only chance of resisting it lay in an appeal to the country against the House of Commons.

Such an appeal was not likely to be responded to unless the ministers discredited themselves with the nation. Though a coalition between men bitterly opposed to one another in all political principles and drawn together by nothing but love of office was in itself discreditable, it needed some more positive cause of dissatisfaction to arouse the constituencies, which were by no means so ready to interfere in political disputes at that time as they are now.

Such dissatisfaction was given by the India Bill, drawn up by Burke. As soon as it had passed through the Commons the king hastened to procure its rejection in the House of Lords by his personal intervention with the peers.

He authorized Lord Temple to declare in his name that he would count any peer who voted for the bill as his enemy.

On the 17th of December the bill was thrown out. The next day ministers were dismissed. William Pitt became prime minister.

The country rallied round the crown and the young minister, and Pitt was firmly established in office. It was upon him, too, that the weight of reconciling the country to an administration formed under such circumstances lay.

The general result, so far as George III. It was he who was to appoint the prime minister, not any clique resting on a parliamentary support.

But the circumstances under which the victory was won were such as to place the constitution in a position very different from that in which it would have been if the victory had been gained earlier in the reign.

Intrigue there was indeed in and as there had been twenty years before. Parliamentary support was conciliated by Pitt by the grant of royal favours as it had been in the days of Bute.

The actual blow was struck by a most questionable message to individual peers. But the main result of the whole political situation was that George III.

His ministry finally stood because it had appealed to the constituencies against their representatives. Since then it has properly become a constitutional axiom that no such appeal should be made by the crown itself.

But it may reasonably be doubted whether any one but the king was at that time capable of making the appeal. Lord Shelburne, the leader of the ministry expelled by the coalition, was unpopular in the country, and the younger Pitt had not had time to make his great abilities known beyond a limited circle.

The real question for the constitutional historian to settle is not whether under ordinary circumstances a king is the proper person to place himself really as well as nominally at the head of the government; but whether under the special circumstances which existed in it was not better that the king should call upon the people to support him, than that government should be left in the hands of men who rested their power on close boroughs and the dispensation of patronage, without looking beyond the walls of the House of Commons for support.

Nor can there be any reasonable doubt that his own example of domestic propriety did much to strengthen the position of his minister. It is true that that life was insufferably dull.

No gleams of literary or artistic taste lightened it up. The dependants of the court became inured to dull routine unchequered by loving sympathy.

The sons of the household were driven by the sheer weariness of such an existence into the coarsest profligacy. But all this was not visible from a distance.

The tide of moral and religious improvement which had set in in England since the days of Wesley brought popularity to a king who was faithful to his wife, in the same way that the tide of manufacturing industry and scientific progress brought popularity to the minister who in some measure translated into practice the principles of the Wealth of Nations.

Nor were there wanting subjects of importance beyond the circle of politics in which George III. The voyages of discovery which made known so large a part of the islands and coasts of the Pacific Ocean received from him a warm support.

In the early days of the Royal Academy, its finances were strengthened by liberal grants from the privy purse. His favourite pursuit, however, was farming.

When Arthur Young was issuing his Annals of Agriculture , he was supplied with information by the king, under the assumed name of Mr Ralph Robinson, relating to a farm at Petersham.

The life of the king was suddenly clouded over. Early in his reign, in , he had been out of health, and—though the fact was studiously concealed at the time—symptoms of mental aberration were even then to be perceived.

In October he was again out of health, and in the beginning of the following month his insanity was beyond a doubt. Whilst Pitt and Fox were contending in the House of Commons over the terms on which the regency should be committed to the prince of Wales, the king was a helpless victim to the ignorance of physicians and the brutalities of his servants.

At last Dr Willis, who had made himself a name by prescribing gentleness instead of rigour in the treatment of the insane, was called in.

Under his more humane management the king rapidly recovered. Before the end of February he was able to write to Pitt thanking him for his warm support of his interests during his illness.

The French Revolution frightened the great Whig landowners till they made their peace with the king. Those who thought that the true basis of government was aristocratical were now of one mind with those who thought that the true basis of government was monarchical; and these two classes were joined by a far larger multitude which had no political ideas whatever, but which had a moral horror of the guillotine.

As Elizabeth had once been the symbol of resistance to Spain, George was now the symbol of resistance to France. He was not, however, more than the symbol.

He allowed Pitt to levy taxes and incur debt, to launch armies to defeat, and to prosecute the English imitators of French revolutionary courses.

At last, however, after the Union with Ireland was accomplished, he learned that Pitt was planning a scheme to relieve the Catholics from the disabilities under which they laboured.

He declared that to grant concessions to the Catholics involved a breach of his coronation oath. No one has ever doubted that the king was absolutely convinced of the serious nature of the objection.

Nor can there be any doubt that he had the English people behind him. Both in his peace ministry and in his war ministry Pitt had taken his stand on royal favour and on popular support.

Both failed him alike now, and he resigned office at once. See examples translated by federal courthouse 2 examples with alignment.

See examples translated by Landgericht 53 examples with alignment. The District Court of Mannheim had declared the confiscation as lawful.

District Court of Mannheim had declared the confiscation as lawful. Pechersk Landgericht Kiew hatte 16 Verdächtige in den Ereignissen festgenommen.

Pechersk District Court of Kiev had arrested 16 suspects in the events. District Court of Kiev had arrested 16 suspects in the events.

In , this dispute came before the Düsseldorf Regional Court. Regional Court. Die Sache wird an das Landgericht Paderborn zurückverwiesen.

The matter is referred back to the Paderborn Regional Court. As far as businessmen are concerned, the legal venue also internationally shall exclusively be the district court in Traunstein.

Das Landgericht Neubrandenburg hat damit ein jämmerliches Kapitel der deutschen Rechtsgeschichte geschrieben. Thus the Neubrandenburg Regional Court has managed to write a shameful chapter in the history of the German judiciary.

Regional Court has managed to write a shameful chapter in the history of the German judiciary. Nun hat er beim Landgericht Köln Klage eingereicht.

Now he submitted the Cologne complaint at the regional court. Die einzige Voraussetzung ist eine Anordnung vom Landgericht.

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